Author: jaredchomyc

Journal Entry #5

In her article Naomi Griffiths is primarily concerned with the identity of Acadians both before and after the deportation. She is interested in their strong sense of cultural identity and how that was established. She remarks that the Acadians went through a very prosperous age in 1713 she says that “The community was demographically self-generating and economically self-sufficient”[1] . She also goes on to say that their religious groups were thriving as well as their strong sense of community and family. Griffiths seems to be asserting that because of these strong cultural, economic, and religious bonds that Acadia stood outside of the others cultures that inhabited the area. One of the interesting effects of this cultural phenomenon is that they were able to use religious faiths like Catholicism to their own means. Because they felt no particular ties to France or England they “were neither controlled by the priests in their political life nor particularly obedient to the precepts of the church”[2]. So essentially Acadia picked and chose what ideals from the religious faiths they wanted to follow. This is a very modern take on religion that shows just how unique a place Acadia really was. Unfortunately this way of life was not to last for the English soon began to realize that the people of Acadia had to answer to their role. While Acadian people were not particularly against the idea they did want to reserve the right to “not be obliged to carry arms”[3]. It seems by making this clause that Acadia wanted to remain the peaceful, prosperous community they had become. However, this arrangement was not built to last the English demanded that the Acadians take up arms and of course Acadia stood its ground and declined. This is the event that led to the deportation of the Acadians. The British shipped the Acadians away on vessels by the thousands. The sad part of this event was that the deaths on the ship reached “50% and in most cases 30% of those embarked”[4]. Griffiths does not deny that this genocide did not break up their strong community. However, she argues that it did not break up the identity of the Acadian people. She says that despite the effort of the British government Nova Scotia “had never been entirely without them”[5]. This is a testament to just how strong the identity of the Acadians were. Even though they were deported and exiled a certain amount remained and others slowly made their way home. If there is one thing that can be said about Acadia and their people it is that they were an unwavering, unflinching community that would not let its cultural identity slip into the past.

Bibliography

Naomi E.S. Griffiths, “Acadian Identity: The Creation and Re-Creation of Community” Dalhousie Review. 73 (1993): 325-349.

[1] Naomi E.S. Griffiths, “Acadian Identity: The Creation and Re-Creation of Community” Dalhousie Review. 73 (1993): 330.

[2] Griffiths, “Acadian Identity,” 331.

[3] Griffiths, “Acadian Identity,” 333.

[4] Griffiths, “Acadian Identity,” 334.

[5] Griffiths, “Acadian Identity,” 335.

Journal Entry #4

In her essay Noel is arguing that historians have to take a different view of the role of woman in pre-confederation Canada. Up to the point where she was writing her article and even now the role of women is largely misunderstood. Some had argued that women were either a “push”[1] or “pull”[2] factor to lure men into coming and staying in the colonies. However, Noel would argue the exact opposite. Noel has found evidence that women were not only able to contribute as much to the household as men but in many cases they would do more. For example, women had their duties inside the household such as cleaning, cooking, and taking care of the children, but they also would take part in the farming and sewing and trading as well. As Noel says “The “nagging wife” may not have joined her husband in the canoe, but there was a good chance she grew the tobacco, made the shirts he took west to trade – maybe even made the canoe itself!”[3] Which suggests that woman played a much larger role in pre confederation Canada that anyone ever thought.  It was even possible for a woman to be the head of her own household and be financially independent. For example Louis Denys de La Ronde seized the opportunity of taking her husband’s land after he passed and with it she ended up earning “over 46,000 Livres”[4]. Essentially what Noel is trying to do is to shed a light on what woman were and how successful they could become in pre confederation Canada. Through the evidence she presents she shows that woman thrived if they were resourceful, and ambitious enough. In Adrienne Ledeauc’s letter to Jeanne she is trying to communicate to Jeanne how similar they were and after having spent time researching her life she can draw similar experiences between them. Ledeauc catalogues Jeanne’s journey as a fille du roi and the coditions that she woud have had to deal with. She speaks about what the journey from France to New France would have been like and how they were in danger of pirate attacks and disease. She also discusses how upon arrival to the colonies the woman would be greeted by men who could “be deprived of the right to trade, hunt, or fish. And the privileges of church and community would be withheld from them”[5]  She talks about how Jeanne may have felt pressured to marry her husband based on this and also how easy it would be to fall into one of these pre-arranged marriages especially when all of her friends were doing the same. She ends her letter with addressing how she is a war bride from 1946 and how as she sailed across the Atlantic she felt “I can identify with you, Jeanne, because I was one of these young women”[6] Adrienne Ledauc felt that her journey perfectly coincided with Jeanne’s and because of this she felt necessary to do more research into the fille du roi and in particular Jeanne Faucheaux.

Bibliography

Adrienne Ledeauc, “A Fille Du Roi’s Passage” 81 (2001) 1.

Jan Noel, “Nagging Wife” Revisited: Women and the Fur Trade in New France” French Colonial History 7    (2006) 2.

[1] Jan Noel, “Nagging Wife” Revisited: Women and the Fur Trade in New France” French Colonial History 7 (2006) 2.

[2] Noel, “Nagging Wife” 2.

[3] Noel, “Nagging Wife” 13.

[4] Noel, “Nagging Wife” 5.

[5] Adrienne Ledeauc, “A Fille Du Roi’s Passage” 81 (2001) 1.

[6] Ledeauc, “A Fille Du Roi’s Passage” 1.

Journal Entry #3

Donald Holly and Ralph Pastore are arguing that the supposed idea that the Beothuk people had no agency is completely untrue. When looking at the first contact between Europeans and the Native people it is assumed that the natives were docile and accepting of their fate and lack of agency. Holly argues that the opposite is true. He says that “Even in the midst of great historical turmoil, they held feasts, they secretly stole or destroyed equipment, openly attacked settlers”[1] Holly fights for the Beothuk’s agency by giving evidence to the fact that they fought back against the European settlers of the time. He insists that “the Beothuk, illustrate, through confrontation, that they were agents” [2] Holly wants to ensure that the historical record is set straight about native engagement and agency at this time period. Now, Pastore is more focused on how the Beothuk people were also interested in stealing from the Europeans and remaining autonomous. Pastore says that “these seasonally-abandoned fishing premises were treasure troves of metal objects”[3]  the Beothuk’s had no need to trade with Europeans because they found whatever they needed at the abandoned shores of the Europeans. As a result of this, Europeans were forced to trap their own fur and it became next to impossible to negotiate trades between the two groups. Due to the lack of resources there was no presence of missionaries in Newfoundland, which at the time was another way that Europeans would make contact with the Native people. Ultimately, both Pastore and Holly are trying to resist the old notion that the Beothuk’s in particular had no agency. They insist that through violence, confrontation, and scavenging the Beothuk people carved out their own existence independent of European help or trade. Although they did eventually die out the notion that they were doomed to this fate is no longer valid.

Bibliography

Holly H. Donald, “The Beothuk on the Eve of Their Extinction,” Arctic Anthropology 37 (2000): 79-95.

Pastore Ralph, “The Collapse of the Beothuk World” Acadiensis: Journal of the History of the Atlantic Region 19 (1989): 52-71.

[1] Holly H. Donald, “The Beothuk on the Eve of Their Extinction,” Arctic Anthropology 37 (2000): 90.

[2] Holly, “The Beothuk on the Eve of Their Extinction,” 89.

[3] Pastore Ralph, “The Collapse of the Beothuk World” Acadiensis: Journal of the History of the Atlantic Region 19 (1989): 57.

Journal Entry #2

            The main purpose of this article is found in the title. “We are well as we are” [1] is a declaration from the indigenous people of the area that they do not have any need of the Christian faith. The main purpose of the article is to change the ideas that people have about early Christian missionaries. For a long time history has viewed these missionaries “as humble servants, saving souls from savagery and damnation”[2] when in reality besides a select few most of the Native Americans of the time were not interested in the Christian faith and instead wanted to keep their own religion alive. For those select few who chose to adopt the Christian faith it was said to be like committing “cultural suicide”[3] this article argues that the missionaries were disturbing what peace the Native people enjoyed. It seems as though Ronda does want to point out that the Europeans and Natives differ in religious beliefs. However he does also point out the similarities in the basic structures of both peoples belief systems. He states that they both “embraced a religious system that emphasized the supernatural and its interaction with man”[4] from this quote we can assume that Ronda does not want the readers to hate the Jesuit missionaries, but rather he wants us to understand their similarities to one another. Ronda seeks to show us that the Native Americans have many of the same goals and values as the missionaries. He wants us to view them as more than just savages. In the end the Native culture decided to embrace some Christian values but for the most part the Native people of Canada would remain the same spiritual people they were before the arrival of the Jesuits. The question is whether or not there would have been a different outcome if the missionaries had gone about their preaching’s in another way. Instead of choosing to push Christianity down their throats, they may have been better served to showcase the more positive side of what Christianity has to offer. As opposed to focusing on the punishment of Hell, they may have done better if they had just preached the word of god and by doing so let the people who wanted to convert be converted,

Works Cited

Ronda, James P. “We Are Well As We Are” The William and Mary Quarterly. 34 (1977) 66-82.   

[1] Ronda, James P. “We Are Well As We Are” The William and Mary Quarterly. 34 (1977): 81.

[2] Ronda, “We Are Well As We Are” 66.

[3] Ronda, “We Are Well As We Are” 67.

[4] Ronda, “We Are Well As We Are” 77.